𝗨𝗥𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗦𝗘𝗡𝗧𝗘𝗡𝗖𝗘 𝗥𝗘𝗩𝗜𝗘𝗪: 𝗧𝗘𝗘𝗡 𝗥𝗔𝗣𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗦 𝗪𝗔𝗟𝗞 𝗙𝗥𝗘𝗘

 

The UK government's Attorney General is officially reviewing the highly controversial sentences handed to three teenage boys who avoided jail time after being convicted of raping two girls.

The decision sparked massive public outcry, with critics calling the non-custodial sentences a "disgrace."

 

Here is everything you need to know about the case and what happens next:

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗔𝗧𝗧𝗔𝗖𝗞𝗦 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗖𝗢𝗡𝗩𝗜𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡

 

Five-week trial at Southampton Crown Court.

Three boys, aged 13 and 14 at the time, convicted of 11 rape charges and multiple counts of making indecent images.

Attacks took place between 2024 and 2025 in Fordingbridge, Hampshire.

One victim was held at knifepoint.

The boys filmed the assaults on phones, laughed, and shared the footage online.

 

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗖𝗢𝗡𝗧𝗥𝗢𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗦𝗜𝗔𝗟 𝗦𝗘𝗡𝗧𝗘𝗡𝗖𝗘𝗦

 

Judge Nicholas Rowland chose not to send the teenagers to a young offender institution, opting for youth rehabilitation orders instead:

Boy A (now 15): 3-year rehabilitation order + 10-year restraining order.

Boy B (now 15): 3-year rehabilitation order + 10-year restraining order.

Boy C (now 14): 18-month rehabilitation order + 10-year restraining order.

The judge stated the court should focus on supporting the children's reintegration into society.

 

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗣𝗨𝗕𝗟𝗜𝗖 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗣𝗢𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗜𝗖𝗔𝗟 𝗢𝗨𝗧𝗖𝗥𝗬

 

The Attorney General, Lord Hermer, stepped in under the Unduly Lenient Sentence (ULS) scheme following intense public backlash:

Jess Phillips MP condemned the decision, warning it sends a "bad message" to victims who face gruelling trials.

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) detailed the horrific, planned nature of the separate attacks.

High-profile figures and the public are demanding immediate judicial intervention.

 

𝗪𝗛𝗔𝗧 𝗛𝗔𝗣𝗣𝗘𝗡𝗦 𝗡𝗘𝗫𝗧?

 

The Attorney General’s office has 28 days from the sentencing date to review the case details.

If the punishment is found to be significantly out of line with the crime, it will be referred to the Court of Appeal.

Three senior judges will then decide whether to overturn the orders and hand down tough custodial sentences.

 

𝗪𝗛𝗔𝗧 𝗪𝗘 𝗦𝗛𝗢𝗨𝗟𝗗 𝗕𝗘 𝗔𝗦𝗞𝗜𝗡𝗚 

 

Questions for the Government (Ministry of Justice & Attorney General)

Sentencing Guidelines: Will the government review the sentencing guidelines for youth offenders convicted of grave crimes like rape to ensure custodial options are prioritized?

Unduly Lenient Sentence (ULS) Scheme: What precise metrics will the Attorney General use to determine if these specific rehabilitation orders cross the threshold of being "unduly lenient"?

Deterrence Message: How does the government plan to counteract the public perception that non-custodial sentences for filmed, multi-count rapes weaken the legal system's deterrence?

Judicial Discretion Limits: Is Parliament considering legislation to limit judicial discretion when youth offenses involve lethal weapons, such as knives, or organized digital sharing?

Questions for the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS)

Impact of Digital Sharing: How heavily did the CPS emphasize the ongoing, permanent harm of the online footage distribution during their sentencing arguments?

Victim Safeguarding: What specific recommendations did the CPS present to the court to protect the victims from further online or physical harassment during the boys' rehabilitation?

Appeal Advocacy: Will the CPS actively submit formal evidence to support the Attorney General’s referral of this case to the Court of Appeal?

Charge Severity: Did the CPS pursue all available charges related to the digital distribution of the assault footage to ensure the full scope of criminality was acknowledged?

Tower Hamlets Council meeting: speaking about Bangladesh politics...

 

𝐂𝐀𝐈𝐑 𝐈𝐒 𝐑𝐄𝐂𝐑𝐔𝐈𝐓𝐈𝐍𝐆 𝐀 𝐆𝐄𝐍𝐄𝐑𝐀𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍 𝐎𝐅 𝐌𝐔𝐒𝐋𝐈𝐌 ‘𝐂𝐇𝐀𝐍𝐆𝐄 𝐌𝐀𝐊𝐄𝐑𝐒’ 𝐓𝐎 𝐖𝐈𝐍 𝐓𝐇𝐎𝐔𝐒𝐀𝐍𝐃𝐒 𝐎𝐅 𝐀𝐌𝐄𝐑𝐈𝐂𝐀𝐍 𝐎𝐅𝐅𝐈𝐂𝐄𝐒

 

“𝘞𝘩𝘦𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳 𝘺𝘰𝘶 𝘸𝘢𝘯𝘵 𝘵𝘰 𝘣𝘦 𝘢 𝘭𝘦𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘪𝘯 𝘺𝘰𝘶𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘮𝘶𝘯𝘪𝘵𝘺, 𝘢𝘯𝘺 𝘴𝘰𝘳𝘵 𝘰𝘧 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘬𝘦𝘳 — 𝘢𝘱𝘱𝘭𝘺𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘸𝘰𝘶𝘭𝘥 𝘣𝘦 𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘺 𝘨𝘰𝘰𝘥 𝘸𝘢𝘺.” — 𝘊𝘈𝘐𝘙’𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘳𝘶𝘪𝘵𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘱𝘪𝘵𝘤𝘩

 

An open plan, much of it stated in their own words:

— The program: CAIR runs 𝐚 ‘𝐌𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐬 𝐕𝐨𝐭𝐞’ 𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐞 to mobilize two million voters, train Muslim candidates, and tally their wins in a report titled “Rise of the Change Makers.”

— The ambition: CAIR’s longtime chief Nihad Awad has spoken of building 𝐚𝐧 𝐚𝐫𝐦𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 of Muslim professionals and seating “40 to 50 members of Congress.”

— The label: Texas and Florida have branded CAIR a 𝐁𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐝-𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐤𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐫𝐨𝐫 𝐠𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐩 — a designation CAIR denies and is fighting in court.

— The irony: the Muslim Brotherhood is 𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐥𝐚𝐰𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐬 𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐫𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭 𝐢𝐧 𝐄𝐠𝐲𝐩𝐭, 𝐒𝐚𝐮𝐝𝐢 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐚, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐔𝐀𝐄 — yet a US group accused of its ties organizes and recruits freely here.

Recruiting young people into public life isn’t the problem — that is how a republic works. 

 

The question is who is doing the recruiting, and to what end. A group two US states have branded a Brotherhood-linked terror organization is openly running candidate pipelines and talking about dozens of seats in Congress — and we are told it is bigoted to notice. Cairo and Abu Dhabi aren’t worried about Islamophobia. They outlawed the Brotherhood because they fear it. Maybe ask why.

𝐂𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐨 𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐁𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐝. 𝐖𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐠𝐭𝐨𝐧 𝐥𝐞𝐭𝐬 𝐢𝐭 𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐳𝐞.

 

Details of the Muslim invasion

 

Em vez de gamar com as duas mãos, pode ser com uma de cada vez...(por WHISTLEBLOWER.Pt)

  

Uma mão tem 5 dedos. Duas têm 10. Em vez de gamar com as duas mãos, pode ser com uma de cada vez...
Https://www.publico.pt/2026/05/23/politica/entrevista/rui-medeiros-soundbites-parecer-confirmam-postura-populismo-judicial-tribunal-contas-2175720
A ironia popular capta com precisão cirúrgica um dos maiores desafios da contratação pública, que no meio técnico e jornalístico é conhecido como fracionamento da despesa.

Quando se elevam os tetos financeiros para a fiscalização prévia, o perigo deixa de ser apenas a grande fraude flagrante e passa a ser a diluição sistemática. Se um grande contrato exige o visto do Tribunal de Contas, a tentação burocrática ou de favorecimento passa por dividir esse mesmo projeto em fatias mais pequenas. Assim, cada contrato individual fica convenientemente abaixo do limite legal de alerta, contornando o crivo dos juízes financeiros e sendo adjudicado por ajuste direto ou consulta prévia, longe dos holofotes.

Na prática, o controlo que se pretendia agilizar para acelerar a economia acaba por ser ludibriado através dessa técnica de conta-gotas. 
É a fragmentação deliberada para garantir que o dinheiro público flui sem os embaraços da transparência preventiva, validando a ideia de que o verdadeiro risco reside naquilo que é feito de forma faseada e invisível.
Rui Medeiros representa com fidelidade o fenómeno que a sociologia política designa por portas giratórias, isto é, o movimento fluido e constante de personalidades que alternam entre o topo da academia jurídica, o universo das grandes sociedades de advogados corporativas e o exercício do poder político direto. 

Para compreender o alcance da sua influência no desenho das leis que governam o dinheiro público, é preciso destecer uma teia complexa de ligações institucionais e privadas. No plano académico, Rui Medeiros é professor catedrático na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Católica Portuguesa, uma instituição historicamente ligada às elites decisoras do país. O seu percurso institucional confunde-se com a própria consolidação do direito público em Portugal, tendo sido diretor da faculdade e mantendo um papel central na formação de gerações de juristas que hoje ocupam cargos de relevo na administração pública e na magistratura.

A sua filiação política, embora formalmente independente, alinha-se de forma estreita com a área governativa do centro-direita. 
Em outubro de 2015, foi empossado como Ministro da Modernização Administrativa no efémero XX Governo Constitucional liderado por Pedro Passos Coelho, uma experiência executiva que durou apenas 27 dias devido à rejeição parlamentar do programa de governo, mas que selou o seu estatuto de conselheiro informal de primeira linha. 

Mais recentemente, o seu nome tem circulado nos bastidores do poder político como um forte candidato à presidência do Tribunal Constitucional, conhecido como o Palácio Ratton, numa indicação apoiada por setores do Partido Social Democrata. Esta movimentação e o seu alinhamento com a atual narrativa governamental podem ser acompanhados na análise do Observador em https://observador.pt/.../governo-responde-a-tribunal-de.../ onde o ministro da tutela o defendeu publicamente como um dos maiores especialistas nacionais em direito constitucional para legitimar a reforma em curso.

O motor corporativo: Sérvulo e Associados e a arbitragem

Fora das salas de aula e dos gabinetes governamentais, o verdadeiro centro de gravidade da influência corporativa de Rui Medeiros reside na Sérvulo e Associados, uma das mais influentes sociedades de advogados do país na área do direito público, onde é sócio desde a sua fundação em 1999, conforme atesta o perfil oficial da firma em https://www.servulo.com/pt/equipa/socios/Rui-Medeiros/31/.
A Sérvulo não é apenas um escritório de advocacia tradicional; funciona como uma autêntica central de pareceres jurídicos que servem frequentemente para blindar decisões de grandes consórcios privados ou para fundamentar legalmente as opções de governos e autarquias em contratos de milhões de euros. 
Além disso, Rui Medeiros possui uma vasta atividade no campo da arbitragem jurídica. 

A arbitragem funciona como um sistema de justiça privado e paralelo, onde litígios contratuais gigantescos entre o Estado e consórcios privados, como parcerias público-privadas rodoviárias ou ferroviárias, são resolvidos longe dos tribunais comuns. Em vez de juízes de carreira, são advogados de negócios pagos que decidem quem tem razão, gerando um ecossistema circular onde quem hoje defende o interesse público pode amanhã arbitrar a favor de uma multinacional.

O escândalo dos 19.900 euros e a privatização das leis

O ponto mais controverso e politicamente sensível das ligações corporativas de Rui Medeiros veio a lume com os contornos da própria encomenda da reforma do Tribunal de Contas. Como revelou uma investigação jornalística do semanário Sol, disponível em https://sol.iol.pt/.../20260320/69bcff660cf27f6588a6724b, a Secretaria-Geral da Presidência do Conselho de Ministros encomendou diretamente a Rui Medeiros, através de um mecanismo de ajuste direto, a elaboração da anteproposta de alteração à Lei Orgânica do Tribunal de Contas. O valor do contrato fixou-se cirurgicamente em 19.900 euros. Para o leitor comum, este valor pode parecer arbitrário, mas esconde uma enorme astúcia legal: o limite máximo permitido por lei para que um ajuste direto deste género possa ser feito sem a necessidade de consultar concorrentes ou lançar um concurso público internacional é de 20.000 euros. 
Ao fixar o preço em escassos 100 euros abaixo do teto de alerta, o governo e o advogado evitaram a concorrência e garantiram a entrega direta do serviço à discrição do decisor político. A indignação que se instalou nas magistraturas financeiras prende-se com o facto de o governo ter privatizado a redação de uma lei crucial para a transparência democrática, entregando-a a um advogado privado cujos clientes habituais no escritório corporativo são, precisamente, as grandes empresas que querem ver os seus contratos com o Estado aprovados sem as exigências do visto prévio do Tribunal de Contas. 
Esta teia desenha um cenário clássico de conflito de interesses, onde quem desenha as regras de flexibilização do controlo público é quem, na atividade privada, beneficia profissionalmente dessa mesma desregulação.

WHISTLEBLOWER.Pt

 

Asylum seekers, refuees and ilegal immigrants

  

The 57 Muslim-majority countries (members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) host significantly more registered refugees than Western nations, whereas Wester<
The 57 Muslim-Majority Countries: Over 16 million refugees. The biggest hosts are Iran (~3.76 million), Türkiye (~2.7 million), and Pakistan (~1.75 million).

Western Countries (Europe, US, Canada, Australia): Roughly 6 to 7 million refugees. The largest single host in the West is Germany, which protects around 2.5 million refugees (heavily comprised of Ukrainian and Syrian nationals). 

The United States officially hosts fewer than 500,000 individuals with fully processed refugee status, as it primarily utilizes a separate resettlement and parole system.

2. Pending Asylum Seekers (Awaiting Processing)Western nations face a massive bottleneck of individuals who have crossed borders to request protection but whose legal status is not yet decided.Western Countries: Over 4.5 million asylum seekers. The United States has the largest backlog in the world, with over 1.5 to 2 million pending cases. In the European Union, there are roughly 1.1 million active asylum seekers awaiting a decision.

The 57 Muslim-Majority Countries: Roughly 1 to 1.5 million asylum seekers. Because many neighboring host states do not have formal, legal asylum processing systems (such as the Gulf States or Pakistan), people are logged under emergency UN mandates rather than local "asylum seeker" backlogs.

3. Undocumented / Illegal Immigrants (Estimates) Because this demographic evades official tracking, these numbers rely on official government and demographic census estimations:

Western Countries: 

- Over 16 million people. 

United States: Estimated 11 to 12 million undocumented immigrants.

- Europe (EU/UK): Estimated 3.9 to 4.8 million undocumented immigrants. 

- The 57 Muslim-Majority Countries: Over 5 million people. Many nations do not track "illegal immigration" in the same manner, but massive undocumented populations exist. 

For example, Pakistan and Iran collectively house an estimated 2 to 3 million undocumented Afghans who did not register with the UN. Additionally, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers overstay visas under the strict Kafala system in wealthy Gulf States (Saudi Arabia, UAE), making them technically undocumented. 

(with Gemini) 

A candidate to asylum in UK (or any other western country)

 Different countries, different values, different civilizations. But I'm sure leftists and "wokes" will accept this gentleman as a asylum seeker or they will be willing to invite him to their home.

"We Are Not Your Weapons – We Are Women" by Amanda Kijera

 

Two weeks ago, on a Monday morning, I started to write what I thought was a very clever editorial about violence against women in Haiti. The case, I believed, was being overstated by women’s organizations in need of additional resources. Ever committed to preserving the dignity of Black men in a world which constantly stereotypes them as violent savages, I viewed this writing as yet one more opportunity to fight “the man” on behalf of my brothers. That night, before I could finish the piece, I was held on a rooftop in Haiti and raped repeatedly by one of the very men who I had spent the bulk of my life advocating for.

It hurt. The experience was almost more than I could bear. I begged him to stop. Afraid he would kill me, I pleaded with him to honor my commitment to Haiti, to him as a brother in the mutual struggle for an end to our common oppression, but to no avail. He didn’t care that I was a Malcolm X scholar. He told me to shut up, and then slapped me in the face. Overpowered, I gave up fighting halfway through the night.

Accepting the helplessness of my situation, I chucked aside the Haiti bracelet I had worn so proudly for over a year, along with it, my dreams of human liberation. Someone, I told myself, would always be bigger and stronger than me. As a woman, my place in life had been ascribed from birth. A Chinese proverb says that “women are like the grass, meant to be stepped on.” The thought comforted me at the same time that it made me cringe.

A dangerous thought. Others like it have derailed movements, discouraged consciousness and retarded progress for centuries. To accept it as truth signals the beginning of the end of a person–or community’s–life and ability to self-love. Resignation means inertia, and for the past two weeks I have inhabited its innards. My neighbors here include women from all over the world, but it’s the women of African descent, and particularly Haitian women, who move me to write now.

Truly, I have witnessed as a journalist and human rights advocate the many injustices inflicted upon Black men in this world. The pain, trauma and rage born of exploitation are terrors that I have grappled with every day of my life. They make one want to strike back, to fight rabidly for what is left of their personal dignity in the wake of such things. Black men have every right to the anger they feel in response to their position in the global hierarchy, but their anger is misdirected.

by Amanda Kijera , civic journalist and activist in Haiti