quarta-feira, 13 de agosto de 2025

A destruição da Europa branca

 

 

"(…) Quando as centenas de embarcações apareceram, as suas tripulações deram uma boa gargalhada: uma frota europeia, com todas as luzes acesas, tinha-se alinhado num vasto semi-círculo à entrada da baía. Parecia que estavam a aguardar uma revista. Os navios dispararam uma salva de cartuchos de festim, um após o outro. Depois, uma voz trovejou através de megafones, primeiro em francês, depois em inglês: 'Recuem! Recuem! A França não vos pode acolher! A Europa não vos pode acolher!' 

A armada do Terceiro Mundo respondeu com um grito colossal e uníssono. Não era um grito de guerra. Era a vasta e primitiva voz da esperança, das boas-vindas, uma espécie de berro alegre e triunfante, como a descoberta de um brinquedo por uma criança. E os navios continuaram a avançar."

"As centenas de embarcações começaram a entrar no porto, uma após a outra, numa longa e silenciosa procissão. Não houve toques de trombetas, nem bandeiras a acenar. Apenas um avanço lento e inexorável. Da costa, os observadores — os poucos que restaram — assistiam atónitos, como que hipnotizados. Não havia gritos, nem resistência. Apenas o suave ondular das vagas contra os cascos e o arrastar de inúmeros pés à medida que as primeiras ondas de humanidade começavam a derramar-se nas praias."

"Eles estavam em todo o lado, uma maré humana: homens, mulheres, crianças, idosos, todos a sair dos navios, com os rostos marcados por uma mistura de exaustão e de um estranho e silencioso triunfo. Não eram um exército invasor no sentido tradicional, mas uma força de números absolutos, avassaladora pela sua simples presença. O ar encheu-se de um murmúrio, de uma nova língua, de um novo odor. A Europa, ao que parecia, já não era a Europa."

(…)

"O sangue corria pelas ruas do bairro de Grenelle. O último punhado de homens, com a arma na mão, estava encurralado na Place du Commerce, diante da igreja. O padre, com a estola ao pescoço, levantou-se e pronunciou em voz alta as palavras da absolvição. Os homens ajoelharam-se, o rosto coberto de pó, e de sangue. Tinham lutado até ao fim, por aquilo que lhes pertencia e que agora era de todos."

"No mesmo momento, o arcebispo de Paris, com a sua grande cruz de ouro no peito, caminhava, na cabeça de um cortejo de clérigos, pelas avenidas do bairro de Trocadero, para receber os novos missionários da Fé. O coro entoava o Te Deum. E no mar, mais ao largo, os barcos continuavam a descarregar a sua carga de miséria. A noite de Paris estava cheia de vozes e de gemidos."

"Um homem na Praça da Concordia, ergueu uma bandeira vermelha. Outro, num gesto de desespero, fez o sinal da cruz. E a multidão continuou a avançar, sem se importar com os mortos, sem se importar com os vivos. E os últimos homens na Place du Commerce gritaram, e depois calaram-se."

Jean Raspail, "O Campo dos Santos"

Crime e população na Alemanha: refugiados no topo das estatísticas

 


How Germany’s AfD Became a Political Powerhouse

 


Right-wing extremism never fully died in Germany after the Second World War, but it has taken many new forms over the course of decades. Germany today is making headlines in the political sphere thanks to its Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, or AfD) party, which formed less than 15 years ago and is already a major political force—especially in the former East, which was once behind the Iron Curtain. What is different about the AfD versus the pre-reunification right-wing parties of Germany, and why is it experiencing so much more electoral success?

Fuel for Extremists? Postwar Migration to Germany

In the two decades immediately following the conclusion of World War II, Germany experienced a massive wave of emigration, one of the most significant in the country’s history. In part in an effort to counter this, Germany began a recruitment process to attract foreign workers, and migration agreements with several countries were established in the postwar years, including Italy (1955), Spain (1960), Greece (1960), and Türkiye (1961). 

The German-Turkish agreement was unique, however, in that the “ethno-political orientation of German policy was threatened, as one of its central tenets was that only Europeans would be recruited,” according to Johannes-Dieter Steinert in a 2014 Journal of Contemporary History article. In a 1974 study, W.S.G. Thomas stated that 22 percent of the foreign workforce in Germany was comprised of Turks. Postwar Germany became a migration destination for vast numbers of foreign workers, many of them considered “Gastarbeiter” (guestworkers). 

By 1975, it is estimated that more than four million foreign workers were living in Germany, up from just over 100,000 in 1957; by 1980, seven percent of Germany’s total population was foreign workers. However, in 1973, West Germany halted the recruitment of non-EEC (European Economic Community) workers which, according to Thomas, was “basically a reflection of increasing hostility by German nationals towards immigrant labour.”

Decades later, a turning point came in what is commonly referred to as the refugee crisis of 2015. While Germany had been a popular choice for foreign workers throughout the second half of the twentieth century, an unprecedented number of refugees—decidedly different from the Gastarbeiter of the Cold War years—entered Germany’s borders. 

“For a few weeks in the late summer and autumn of 2015,” Fabian Georgi states in Racism After Apartheid: Challenges for Marxism and Anti-Racism, “Europe’s borders were open like never before since the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989/1990.” However, this “period of almost euphoric solidarity with refugees was short-lived.” The “long summer of migration,” as this period is sometimes called, likely “ended in mid-November 2015 when terrorist attacks in Paris enabled right-wing forces to associate refugees with ‘Islamic terrorism.’” 

A relatively new German political party at the time, the Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, or AfD), founded in 2013, capitalized on the growing uneasiness and political tensions surrounding the refugee crisis to grow from a fringe party (as it still was in 2015) into a national political force (now the second-largest in the country after February 2025), using anti-immigrant rhetoric to exploit economic anxieties and cultural fears, particularly in the former East. 

Antecedents to the AfD: Pre-Unification Right-Wing Movements in Germany

While postwar Germany (especially the newly formed West Germany) remained strongly against outward nationalism and fascism, right-wing extremism still persisted in some forms. The 1960s saw the establishment of the National Democratic Party, led by right-wing extremists exploiting the “sharp economic downturn” Germany was experiencing at the time. 

The party’s executive committee consisted of 18 members; “twelve were believed to have been active Nazis during the Hitler era,” Gerard Braunthal explains in his 2009 book Right-Wing Extremism in Contemporary Germany. In 1983, former Waffen-SS sergeant Franz Schönhuber, “[a]mbivalent about the Nazi past,” founded the Republikaner party. As Braunthal states, Schönhuber “admitted that the Hitler regime brought about the country’s destruction and defeat, but he also espoused patriotism and self-sacrifice,” two qualities associated with Nazi ideology. 

According to Braunthal, the Republikaner’s 1987 platform targeted economically and socially insecure Germans, fearful of an increase in crime due to the presence of foreigners, attributing Germans’ hardships to immigration from poorer countries. The platform advocated for stricter immigration controls and was characterized by “anti-European,” “ultra-nationalist,” and “xenophobic” rhetoric. This echoes the rhetoric of the AfD today.

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Político: "Far-right AfD tops German popularity ranking in bombshell new survey"

 


Between Alternative for Germany and France’s National Rally, populists continue to rise in Europe’s most powerful countries. 

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has become the most popular party in the country, according to a striking new poll published Tuesday.

If a national election were now held, 26 percent of Germans would vote for the AfD, according to a poll carried out by the Forsa Institute for Social Research and Statistical Analysis. That result puts the far-right party ahead of German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s mainstream conservative bloc, which slid to second with 24 percent support in the poll.

With the far-right National Rally already leading clearly in France, the bombshell German survey is likely to fuel unease among mainstream leaders across Europe. Right-wing populist parties have performed strongly in elections in recent years from Poland to Romania, and Portugal to the Netherlands.

 


terça-feira, 12 de agosto de 2025

Foreigners in England and Wales convicted of up to 23 % of sex crimes

 


Foreigners are convicted of up to 23 per cent of sex crimes, according to the first data analysis of its kind.

Data from the Ministry of Justice, obtained under freedom of information laws, show that 15 per cent of sexual offences, including rape, were accounted for by foreign nationals between 2021 and 2023.

A further eight per cent of convictions were recorded as unknown nationalities.

Those labelled “unknown” are likely to largely include non-British nationals, taking the total number likely to have been committed by foreigners up to 23 per cent.

Foreigners are convicted of up to 23 per cent of sex crimes, according to the first data analysis of its kind.

Data from the Ministry of Justice, obtained under freedom of information laws, show that 15 per cent of sexual offences, including rape, were accounted for by foreign nationals between 2021 and 2023.

A further eight per cent of convictions were recorded as unknown nationalities.

Those labelled “unknown” are likely to largely include non-British nationals, taking the total number likely to have been committed by foreigners up to 23 per cent.

This is despite census data showing foreign nationals make up just 9.3 per cent of the population.

Two nationalities – Afghans and Eritreans – were more than 20 times more likely to account for sexual offence convictions than British citizens, according to the data. Overall, foreign nationals were 71 per cent more likely than Britons to be responsible for sex crime convictions.

The data, drawn from the police national computer, shows that there were 16,771 convictions for sexual offences carried out by someone with a known nationality between 2021 and 2023, and migrants accounted for 2,500 of these.

The highest numbers of sex offence convictions were accounted for by Romanians (987), Poles (208), Indians (148) and Pakistanis (144).

However, the rates, based on convictions per 10,000 of the population put Afghans, with 77 convictions, at the top with a rate of 59 per 10,000 – 22.3 times that of Britons. They were followed by Eritreans, who accounted for 59 convictions at a rate of 53.6 per 10,000 of their population.

 A further eight per cent of convictions were recorded as unknown nationalities.

Those labelled “unknown” are likely to largely include non-British nationals, taking the total number likely to have been committed by foreigners up to 23 per cent.
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This is despite census data showing foreign nationals make up just 9.3 per cent of the population.

Two nationalities – Afghans and Eritreans – were more than 20 times more likely to account for sexual offence convictions than British citizens, according to the data. Overall, foreign nationals were 71 per cent more likely than Britons to be responsible for sex crime convictions.

The data, drawn from the police national computer, shows that there were 16,771 convictions for sexual offences carried out by someone with a known nationality between 2021 and 2023, and migrants accounted for 2,500 of these.

The highest numbers of sex offence convictions were accounted for by Romanians (987), Poles (208), Indians (148) and Pakistanis (144).

However, the rates, based on convictions per 10,000 of the population put Afghans, with 77 convictions, at the top with a rate of 59 per 10,000 – 22.3 times that of Britons. They were followed by Eritreans, who accounted for 59 convictions at a rate of 53.6 per 10,000 of their population.
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Britons accounted for 12,619 sex offence convictions, representing a rate of 2.66 per per 10,000 of their population in England and Wales.

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Schools make children "help" asylum seekers


 

Austria já probiu burqas - muçulmanas pagam uma multa, se insistirem em violar a lei

 


New York already a third world city


 

Britain is a nation where Islamist extremists have been a primary criminal concern

  The battle lines for the preservation of Western civilization were drawn long before the murder of the Dutch filmmaker Theo van Gogh in 20...