segunda-feira, 27 de janeiro de 2025

Merkel and the days of terror

 


 The decision to accept more than a million refugees was Angela Merkel's biggest political gamble. At first, she was widely applauded for her moral courage and leadership. She told the German people: "We can handle this," and there was a certain pride in German hospitality, in seeing citizens chant at Frankfurt railway station: "Say it loud, and say it clear, 'Refugees are welcome here.'"


For the German chancellor, the refugee crisis underlined that "the heart and soul of Europe is tolerance". Doubts about her policy surfaced earlier this year, particularly after young women in Cologne were allegedly assaulted by groups of largely foreign men on New Year's Eve.
The alleged assaults strengthened anti-immigrant protests, but they have subsided as the numbers of new arrivals dwindled. But the misgivings have surfaced again after four attacks in the space of a week. Three of them were carried out by asylum seekers.


The attacks were not related and do not reflect any co-ordinated plot against Germany. Two of them, including the attack at a wine bar in Ansbach, had a link to the so-called Islamic State. A video found by the police vowed that Germany's people "won't be able to sleep peacefully anymore".
The explosion in Ansbach has been linked to the so-called Islamic State. Earlier in the year, Angela Merkel had seen her poll ratings slide - but compared with most other leaders, they remained remarkably strong.
After the incidents in Cologne, she did lose support - but more recently, after the UK vote to leave the European Union and the attempted coup in Turkey, her ratings soared. Voters still see her as an anchor, a rock in a dangerously unstable world.
However, these latest attacks fuel concerns as to whether Germany is coping with the numbers it has had to process.

Mohammad Daleel, the Syrian refugee who killed himself and injured others in Ansbach, should have been deported months ago.
There are many others who have been refused permission to stay but still remain in the country. It was apparent in Munich at the weekend that many people feel insecure. Several residents said that they had been expecting attacks.
They spoke openly about their fears. "People in Germany are scared," said Rainer Wendt, the chairman of the German Police Federation. Yet there was a calmness, an unwillingness to turn a tragedy into a wider denunciation of foreigners or a demand for a state of emergency.


The anti-immigration party Alternative fuer Deutschland (AfD) said under "the current ideology of dangerous 'multiculturalism', the country's domestic security and the order of Germany keeps getting destroyed".
But AfD has recently fallen back in the polls and is struggling to lift its ratings above 12-13%. Yet these recent attacks will once again put immigration policy under scrutiny. "It is right to debate about who the people are who come here," said Mr Wendt. There will be pressure to vet newcomers more closely.
Refugees will be a major issue when Germany goes to the polls next year, when Angela Merkel is likely to stand for a fourth term. She is hugely dependent on Turkey and its increasingly authoritarian leader preventing further refugees crossing into Greece and the EU.


"We need to be more vigilant, but we cannot live in fear," says German Interior Minister Thomas de Maiziere. The strategy of the German government is to reassure, to refuse to adopt dramatic measures when the four attacks are not linked in any way. Among the 1.2 million refugees who have entered Germany, there have been 59 investigations into links with terrorism.
Interior Minister Thomas de Maiziere said: "We think that we should not change our behaviour. "We need to be more vigilant, but we cannot live in fear." There are, however, deeper concerns about integration.


There have been programmes to teach refugees about the values of their new country, including equality between men and women, and about freedom of opinion. The degree to which refugees integrate into Germany will, in the long term, determine whether Angela Merkel's open-door policy has worked.


Further attacks - particularly if they are linked to recently arrived refugees - will make her vulnerable at next year's elections. With the UK bent on leaving the EU and the French president deeply unpopular, the German chancellor, more than ever, is "Frau Europe".
She remains a steady, unemotional leader who said recently: "Fear has never been a good adviser, neither in our personal lives nor in our society."


By Gavin Hewitt
Chief correspondent
@BBCGavinHewitt

  Published  27 July 2016

Immigration and rape in Germany between 2010 and 2013

 


Estimated number of immigrants to Germany from 2010 to 2013:

    2010: Approximately 80,000 immigrants.
    2011: Around 100,000 immigrants.
    2012: About 120,000 immigrants.
    2013: Approximately 150,000 immigrants.
 

Estimated numbers of reported rapes in Germany from 2010 to 2013:

    2010: Approximately 8,000 reported rapes.
    2011: Around 8,500 reported rapes.
    2012: About 9,000 reported rapes.
    2013: Approximately 9,500 reported rapes. 

Just a coincidence, of course...

domingo, 26 de janeiro de 2025

Understanding “rape culture” in Bangladesh, India, & Pakistan

 


The January 2021 rape and murder of a high school student in Bangladesh left the nation in shock yet again. However, this is not an isolated occurrence. Countless examples of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Asia from last year raise significant concerns about the so-called “progress” made in improving women’s standing and fighting rape culture in the region. Political discourse in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh is deeply misguided regarding such issues, often leading to systematic victim-blaming which—knowingly or unknowingly—helps the perpetrators. In this piece, we examine the true depth and commonality of GBV in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan—as well as review previous steps taken to address this issue. We then suggest policy recommendations to curtail GBV and shift societal norms away from the normalization of rape culture and the objectification of women in South Asia. While, on the surface, one may notice an increased promotion of gender empowerment in the region, we point out that a deeper analysis of the ground realities in these countries reflects an appallingly different story.  

(Continue)

Old times - When Germans welcomed immigrants

 








Quando as temperaturas aumentam o lixo não deve ser recolhido, a construção deve parar e os nossos alimentos devem deixar de ser produzidos


 O Partido PAN - Pessoas-Animais-Natureza quer proibir o trabalho sempre que as temperaturas atinjam os 35 graus!  Para o PAN quando as temperaturas aumentam o lixo não deve ser recolhido, a construção deve parar e os nossos alimentos devem deixar de ser produzidos! Inês Sousa Real quer parar o País Real!


The Night That Changed Germany's Attitude To Refugees

 

04/04/2016 A Night In Cologne: A series of sexual assaults perpetrated by immigrants on New Year's Eve in Cologne changed Germany's welcoming attitude to refugees and economic migrants.

Norway: Rape prevention classes for refugees - BBC News

   


Migrants in Norway are being given classes which educate asylum seekers in Norwegian 'cultural codes' when it comes to relationships with women, personal boundaries, sexual assault and what constitutes rape. We spoke to some of the men taking the class, as well as the organisers and instructors. But the classes, which other European countries may also introduce, have been criticised for stigmatising migrant men.James Longman reports.

The Influx of Immigrants into Europe and the Increase in Sexual Violence

 

 Hungarian Conservative - Review of "Prey: Immigration, Islam, and the Erosion of Women’s Rights" by Ayaan Hirsi Ali

Ayaan Hirsi Ali was born into a Muslim family in Somalia, and after a brief period of living in Saudi Arabia her family settled in Kenya, where she was raised. In 1992, at the age of 23, fleeing an arranged marriage she sought asylum in the Netherlands. Successfully escaping from her family who had forced her to undergo genital mutilation as a child, she integrated into Dutch society. She learnt the language and studied political science at Leiden University. Soon, she became a prominent critic of radical Islam, triggering the wrath of Muslim extremists (she was put on an Al-Qaeda hit list in 2010) as well as achieving international recognition, making it onto Time’s top 100 most influential people in the world in 2005. A US citizen since 2013, she now works at the Hoover Institution where she did her research writing under the title Prey: Immigration, Islam, and the Erosion of Women’s Rights.

Over the last couple of years, Europe has experienced both an increase in immigration and a rise in sexual violence against women. The two issues have been causally linked by several radical right-wing groups, but until the publication of Prey, no significant attempt had been made to deal with the problem on a serious intellectual level, collecting and reviewing data in order to explore these matters in detail. Hirsi Ali establishes a link between immigration and increasing sexual violence against women, and traces back the root of the problem to the cultural differences between Christian Europe and Muslim-majority countries. She argues that while Western Europe has evolved culturally to the point that it presumes the innocence of women in a case of sexual assault, and protects their rights and safety, in Muslim-majority countries the attitude is still that women can be blamed for being sexually assaulted. In her book, Hirsi Ali emphasizes on multiple occasions that only some immigrant men commit such crimes, but she draws attention to the fact that due to cultural differences and the lack of integration there is a correlation between the increase in sexual violence in Europe and the influx of immigrants.

In Muslim-majority countries the attitude is still that women can be blamed for being sexually assaulted

In Chapter 2 of the book (titled ‘The Fifth Wave’), Hirsi Ali presents some statistics about immigration and sexual violence, to demonstrate the seriousness of the issue. Since 2009, around 3 million immigrants have arrived in Europe. In the year 2015, at the height of the migration crisis, a record 1.8 million illegal border crossings were reported in Europe.1 In the last ten years, 67 per cent of asylum seekers in Europe have been male, and 80 per cent of them have been under the age of 35. Approximately 2.4 million asylum applicants were from nine Muslim- majority countries (e.g., Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Nigeria), so most immigrants are indeed of the Muslim faith. Four European countries (Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and France) host 70 per cent of Europe’s unauthorized immigrant population.2

Alongside the increase in arrivals to Europe, sexual violence has proliferated on the continent, as detailed in ‘Chapter 3: Sexual Violence by Numbers’. Between 2017 and 2018, there was a 17 per cent increase in instances of rape, and a 20 per cent increase in other forms of sexual assault in France.3 In French public places, 3 million women have experienced unwanted sexual attention and advances. In Germany in 2017, the number of victims of ‘sexual coercion’ rose by 41 per cent. Compared to the previous year, Sweden witnessed a 12 per cent increase in reported sex offences in 2016—the staggering jump in these statistics is all the more shocking because rates of sexual violence were relatively stable in Sweden between 2005 and 2011. Although Hirsi Ali recognizes that some of the increase in sexual crime statistics might be explained by new legal definitions of rape and greater public awareness about the issue (due to #metoo), she argues that it must also be acknowledged that the countries with the largest intake of immigrants have witnessed the largest increase in sexual violence. Therefore, she concludes, assessing the link between immigration and the rise of sexual violence is vitally important.

She reminds readers of the 2015 New Year’s Eve incident in Cologne, after which 661 women reported to the police that they had been sexually harassed by hundreds of ‘Arab’, ‘African’ and ‘foreign’-looking people. As it turned out, most of the offenders were newly arrived immigrants. From fear of being called racist, the German police did little to convict criminals. By 2019, only 52 charges had been pressed against the harassers, and only three offenders had been found guilty. The attacks in Cologne were carried out by groups of young men ambushing lone women. While such gang rape is condemned and viewed socially unacceptable in Europe, Hirsi Ali argues that in Muslim societies it is a commonly reported phenomenon, and it is called taharrush gamea in Arabic or ‘the rape game’.4

As part of the ‘rape game’, men surround women in concentric rings, strip off their clothes, and collectively rape them. Such instances were reported, for example, in 2006 in Egypt, when the crowd set out to celebrate the end of Ramadan with ‘rape games’. Hirsi Ali also cites the tragic recollections of CBS journalist Lara Logan, who was herself a victim of a ‘rape game’ in 2011 in Egypt when she covered the Arab Spring. She was brutally gang raped and was lucky to have escaped alive. The author argues that the events in Cologne during New Year’s Eve show that the practice of the ‘rape game’ has now been transported into Europe. She argues that immigrant men commit these crimes not because they feel oppressed or disenfranchised in Europe, but because in the countries they come from they get away with such crimes, and believe they can do the same in Europe as well.5 Tragically, Europe has done very little to demonstrate that on this continent, assaulting women is an indictable offence.

Hirsi Ali argues that it is politically inconvenient for many European governments to acknowledge that the crisis of women’s safety might be linked to immigration

As to why Europe does so little to prevent the erosion of women’s safety, Hirsi Ali argues that it is politically inconvenient for many European governments to acknowledge that the crisis of women’s safety might be linked to immigration, as well as to the cultural heritage of the immigrants. As a result, in most countries, the ethnic, racial, or religious backgrounds of the offenders are not reported in crime statistics—which made collecting data for her book very difficult. It is generally believed that disclosing such information on crime statistics would fuel the radical right. On the contrary, Hirsi Ali argues that dismantling the taboo around this issue and freely debating it is the way to end the radical right’s monopoly on discussing such issues. Widespread democratic discussion is also the way of finding solutions to the problem of ensuring women’s safety.

As for the cultural aspect of the question, the author argues that in Europe one is used to seeing women in public spaces, and women have the right to participate freely in public life. However, this is not the case in most Muslim-majority countries. In the countries where she grew up as a child it was not socially acceptable to see women alone, without a guardian. She argues that the same practices that she witnessed as a child in the Third World should not be imported in Europe. Ironically, during data collection in Munich, Hirsi Ali’s translator also experienced sexual harassment on the streets by an African man who groped her. In parts of Paris and other great European cities there are now ‘no-go’ areas for women, and women seem to disappear from public spaces as they are no longer safe for them. Europe is undergoing a change—this is the thesis of the book—and the hard-earned rights and safety of women are now being rolled back.

Quite revealingly, in its review, The New York Times6 accuses the book of being ‘cut through with bigotry’ as it ‘seems to latch onto the trope of men of colour threatening virtuous white women’. The reviewer argues that representing men of colour as ‘sexually aggressive’ and ‘uncontrolled’ has its roots in colonial history, and it is a practise that triggers xenophobia, so it must be condemned. The review argues that the author undermines the very liberal values she claims to support. Ayaan Hirsi Ali proposes stricter criminal punishment for immigrant sex offenders and tighter immigration policies to combat the problem. Jill Filipovic, the author of The New York Times review, as well as the author of The H-Spot: The Feminist Pursuit of Happiness, argues that such policies would go against the very liberal cause Hirsi Ali wishes to serve.

Ayaan Hirsi Ali believes that comments such as Filipovic’s are representative of how the feminists’ mission has drifted over the years, a question she addresses in ‘Chapter 10: The Feminist Predicament’: ‘The feminist mission has drifted, and women’s rights have been trumped by issues of racism, religion, and intersectionality.’7 Since the turn of the century the issue of Palestinian statehood has been a more important question for Western feminists than the safety of Palestinian women in their homes. While Western feminists are so preoccupied with the sins and irreparable evils of the ‘white man’, the sins of men of colour are excused since they are ‘victims of racism and colonialism’ themselves. Hirsi Ali argues that Western feminists need to wake up and start working (again) on ensuring that women can enjoy the most fundamental rights— uncompromised safety in all public spaces.

The point that The New York Time misses in its review is central to The Wall Street Journal’s8 discussion of the book. Avoiding the question of whether increasing sexual violence in Europe is or is not linked to the immigration of a large number of men will not solve the issue, The Wall Street Journal argues. On the other hand, a taboo surrounding this question can indeed fuel the radical right, which will, therefore, monopolize the discussion. As The Wall Street Journal highlights, Prey is ‘a courageous and bracing book’ which tries to shed light on this unquestionably important and inconvenient topic by dragging it out of the taboo zone. By normalizing the conversation about immigration and its effect on women’s rights, the topic can be the subject of a democratic discourse in which all sides are able to take part freely, instead of allowing the radicals to monopolize the discussion.

In short, the greatest achievement of the book is that it attempts to reasonably approach a question of great importance from a moderate perspective. Its main agenda is to draw attention to the issue, and not to demonize any group or religion. It is a book which enables sober discussion and provides a healthy number of statistics to think about— such attempts should be welcomed all across the political spectrum
.

 

Fraudes no reagrupamento familiar de imigrantes vão continuar

  Uma simulação de um pedido de reagrupamento familiar, numa família composta por residente em Portugal, mulher e filho menor, alvo do pedid...