Once upon a time, Monfalcone was known for its shipyards, the pride of Italian industry. Today, it is in the news for something else entirely: the creation of Italy’s first all-Islamic political list. This small city in Friuli Venezia Giulia, with a population of 30,000, is now a testing ground for what many fear is the creeping Islamization of Italy. What is happening in Monfalcone is not an isolated event—it is a warning.
The transformation of Monfalcone has been dramatic. Over the past two decades, a massive influx of immigrants, particularly from Bangladesh, has altered the city’s demographic makeup. Nearly 30% of Monfalcone’s residents are foreign-born, and among them, Muslims—mainly Bangladeshis—dominate. Schools tell an even starker story: non-Italian students make up 65% of the total, and 75% of girls in some institutions wear the niqab. This is not mere multiculturalism; this is replacement.
Enter Bou Konate, a Senegalese-born former center-left councilor, now the face of the first Islamic political party in Italy. His movement, which aims to contest the next municipal elections, is a game-changer. No longer content with forming insular communities or exerting economic influence, political power is now the goal. This is the moment where passive migration turns into active conquest—soft, incremental, but unmistakable.
To grasp the significance of this, one must understand the Islamic concept of Hijra. Historically, it refers to Muhammad’s migration from Mecca to Medina, a pivotal moment in Islamic history when a minority group seeking refuge eventually gained dominance. In modern political Islam, Hijra has been reinterpreted as a strategic migration: Muslims move to non-Muslim lands not just to assimilate, but to expand their religious and political influence. Monfalcone is now at the crossroads of this historical dynamic. What starts as a community in search of a better life can turn into a parallel society, one that resists integration and eventually seeks dominance.
Of course, critics will argue that fears of Islamization are exaggerated. They will say that these immigrants are merely seeking work, a future, stability. But the demographic reality suggests otherwise. When a group grows in size and confidence, it starts demanding changes to the host society rather than adapting to it. It starts forming its own institutions, seeking separate rights, and ultimately, political power. The creation of an all-Islamic political party is a textbook example of this process in action.
One cannot discuss the political aspect of Islam without touching on Taqiyya, a concept often dismissed by Western liberals as a fringe idea. Taqiyya refers to the Islamic practice of concealing one’s true beliefs when under threat. But in a broader strategic sense, it can mean something else: a gradual, tactical approach to power. Rather than demanding immediate, radical change, a slow, methodical process is adopted. First, cultural enclaves are established, then religious influence grows, and finally, political engagement solidifies power. What we are witnessing in Monfalcone is the early stage of this final phase.
Predictably, this development has triggered national debate. Former mayor Anna Maria Cisint, now an MEP for the League Party, has been vocal in her warnings. She sees the creation of an Islamic political list as the logical consequence of unchecked immigration and the failure of integration policies. Cisint argues that Monfalcone is a test case for what will happen elsewhere in Italy if no action is taken. Other critics have pointed to the experience of cities in France, Belgium, and Sweden, where large Muslim populations have led to parallel societies, increased radicalization, and political Islam making inroads into governance.
The Left, as expected, is either silent or complicit. The same forces that cheered mass immigration are now making excuses for the cultural and political shifts it has triggered. They claim that an Islamic party is merely an expression of democracy, as if democracy were a suicide pact requiring Western nations to facilitate their own cultural dissolution. They insist that concerns over Islamization are rooted in xenophobia rather than a legitimate desire to preserve national identity. But one does not need to be xenophobic to recognize an existential threat.
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